A rally of Han Catholics in 1924
|Also known as||Xinchou Revolution, Revolution of 1901, Sierran Cultural Revolutionary Era, Cultural Revolution, Orientalization of Sierra|
|Type||Revolution, social movement|
|Names in other languages|
|Literal meaning||"Xinchou (stem-branch; Yin Metal Ox) revolution"|
|Vietnamese||Cách mạng Văn hóa Dãy Núi|
|Hangul||공화국 문화 혁명|
|Romanization||Bikokang Shintsu Kakbing|
|Part of a series on the|
|Culture of Sierra|
The Sierran Cultural Revolution, also known as the Xinchou Revolution (Chinese: 辛丑革命; pinyin: Xīnchǒu gémìng), or the Revolution of 1901, was a period of social transculturation and political change spanning across three royal eras that coincided with the progressive reform movement and substantial economic growth that took place in Sierra between 1901 and 1955. The Revolution radically changed racial and social attitudes in Sierra, and led to the birth of contemporary Sierran culture (known colloquially romanticized as the New Culture), guided under the principles of Sierran humanism, and other concepts including Sierran Hanzi. The Revolution was marked with widespread legal reforms, shift in attitudes and customs, increased immigration, and violent conflict with reactionaries. By its end, it saw the abolition of the Sierran casta system and radically altered the landscape of Sierran politics and social views. The Revolution also coincided with the rise of increased militarization, increased involvement of the monarchy, and authoritarianism due to widespread fear of Bolshevism, trade unionism, nativism, and anarchism. By the mid-1920s, during a time known as the Approbatio, the government resorted to military use and speech laws to control and suppress the activities of the opposition and dissidents. Contemporary historians have claimed that this later period in King Lewis I's reign coincided with elements of fascism within the Sierran government. Although labor conditions worked, unions suffered greatly during the Revolution, and were subject to intense scrutiny. The change transformed Sierra into a cosmopolitan society and shaped the modern Sierran nation-state and democracy. The late Revolution coincided with unprecedented economic growth and militarization, propelling it towards the global power status it has reached in the present-day.
Although the Revolution was by no means uniform, and was not seen or referred to as a proper revolution until much later, it has been traditionally held that the Revolution began in the year 1901, from which its Sino-Sierran namesake owes its name to. Social change began in response to the effects of the Industrial Revolution and continued immigration of people from Asia and Latin America into Sierra, as well as Sierra's imperialist endeavors in the Pacific. Its colonization of Hani was instrumental in bridging cultural exchange between the two powers and providing momentum for the Revolution. The rapid modernization and technological advancement of Sierra came at the cost of poor living conditions for the lower and middle classes and widespread corruption among Sierra's corporate elites. Immigration on the other hand, fueled racial tensions between the predominant Sierran whites and non-white immigrants who posed a threat to economic and labor interests. Miscegenation and the liberal exchange of different cultures had also produced a new class of multiracial Sierrans (such as the Sierran Creoles and the Hapas) and a more multiracial culture in the cities respectively. Social progressives and reformists sought to consolidate better conditions and rights to the disaffected commoners and to extend cordiality to new ethnic groups.
Rigorous and active campaigning for civil rights to Asians, Hispanics, and blacks led to increased social integration and coexistence. The especially apparent prominence of Asian immigrants in Sierra eventually ballooned into genuine interest among whites, mystified with Orientalism, though best exemplified through sociologist Mark Culler's Comparison of Western and Oriental Thought whose book pioneered modern Western methods of Chinese historiography and cultural studies. The book called for harmonization between European Protestant culture with East Asian Confucian culture, and spawned an entire intellectual trend of New Confucianists in Sierra. Growing acceptance and open adoption of new cultures between all ethnic groups evolved into a national, cohesive culture of similar customs and beliefs that consolidated elements from both Western and Eastern culture.
Opposition to the changes ushered forth by the Revolution came from traditionalists and nativists who sought to preserve ideals of white supremacy and rejection of progressive thinking. Frequently, resistance turned violent, with numerous race-related riots, lynchings, pogroms in small communities, murders, and organized crime against minorities spearheaded by racist and nationalist organizations such as the Imperial Knights of Sierra (IKS) and the Workingmen's Party. The Reformed Republicans, an organized political party which upheld nativism, controlled the House of Commons briefly on two non-consecutive occasions during the 1920s, before being permanently displaced by the Democratic-Republican–Royalist system during the Approbatio period. Similarly, retaliation by pro-revolutionary forces also occurred, wreaking havoc to homes and businesses of counterrevolutionaries. These conflicts of resistance became known as the Little Civil War. After the Revolution formally ended, the New Culture continued to face resistance in some areas of Sierra (particularly in the Styxie), which later evolved into The Disturbances during the years between the 1960s and 1980s. Increased social stigmatization of these groups and continued growing acceptance of the new revolutionary culture, coupled with government support for such changes eventually led to the counterrevolutionary movement's apparent obsolescence by the end of World War II.
Today, Sierran society regards the Revolution as the key instrument to its success and flourishing culture. The Revolution allowed Sierra to modernize and to transcend group differences, granting it the power to focus on domestic issues, and work towards national improvement. It is viewed as the raison d'être for Sierran culture and economic success. The mass enfranchisement and politicization of various groups encouraged participatory democracy and reforms in business allowed for fairer conditions for workers. In addition, the Revolution is viewed as the hallmark of modern Sierran culture and the precursor to similar social movements in other Anglo-American countries such as the American Civil Rights Movement in the United Commonwealth. Aspects of the Sierran Cultural Revolution have had a minor though noticeable effect on Sierra's neighbors, most notably in Rainier and Brazoria, which both have similarly heterogenous populations with large Asian communities. It also significant in Han history, as the Revolution brought Sierra and Hani closer culturally and politically during Sierra's imperial occupation of the Asian state.
The precursory events that led to the Sierran Cultural Revolution traces as far back to the California Gold Rush in 1849 when people from all parts of the world traveled to the California Republic in search of gold. Though gold rush prospectors were predominantly whites from neighboring Anglo-American countries, many hopefuls from Asia and Latin America also arrived. The gold rush saw a collision of different ethnic groups and competition that manifested as intense rivalry and racial tension along ethnic lines. However, increase in intermarriages and mixed families also produced a new population of mixed ancestry Sierrans, most notably, the Sierran Creoles and the Hapas, the latter who would greatly contribute to the Revolution.
The most visible ethnic group that arrived to California were the Chinese, most of whom came from the poor southern, Cantonese-speaking region in search for gold and to escape the deteriorating conditions in Qing China during the Opium Wars. Leaving their wives and families at home, most Chinese men only had the intention of finding gold and returning home with whatever sums of profit they acquired. Largely lawless, gold fields were breeding grounds for violence, and racially-motivated violence against the Chinese and other minorities were common who were without legal protections. In order to survive in California without being attacked, the Chinese formed Chinatowns, the most prominent being that in San Francisco City, to avoid persecution. The Japanese were also present, though their numbers in Sierra were initially small in comparison to the Chinese. More Japanese arrived after the Gold Rush ended, and came primarily due to economic upheaval during the Meiji Restoration. This immigration wave to Sierra was a direct response to labor demand for railroads construction needed during the early 1850s and 60s under the newly established Kingdom of Sierra. Like the Chinese, the Japanese were also ostracized for their race, and were forced to take up occupations with meager earnings. Hispanics, whose presence had long been established in Sierra, also received discrimination and violent opposition from the whites but were more readily accepted than the Asians. Californios, who were essentially white Spaniards, were often treated far better than other Hispanic groups. Other groups included the Hans, the Koreans, and South Asians who looked for employment.
When Sierra was founded in 1858, succeeding the California Republic through the promulgation of the new constitution, it was still predominantly agrarian with most settlers winding up as farmers, rather than merchants or artisans in the cities. This changed in the 1860s when the effects of the Second Industrial Revolution were realized as rail lines connecting Sierra with the east brought in industrialists and investors. Sierra's involvement in the War of Contingency also contributed towards the Kingdom's rapid growth. The Kingdom's victory over the United Commonwealth generated a strong sense of national pride and spirit, and confidence in the government's plan to expand. Smith I and his prime ministers led an ambitious plan to strengthen Sierra's military and economic prowess, and these motivations inadvertently led to increased exposure to foreign peoples and ideas. The modernization of Sierran infrastructure and the emergence of the manufacturing industry led thousands of Sierrans into the cities. This confluence of migrant whites and minority urbanites increased contact and coexistence amongst each other.
As cities grew, Sierra's dependence on international trade grew. The emergence of Sierra's imperialist endeavors in the Pacific helped stimulate the Kingdom's fixation towards the East. Among Sierra's acquisitions included Hawaii and the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, both of which had large indigenous and Asian populations. While this colonies were far-flung from the mainland, the ethnic composition and importance of these multiethnic societies foreshadowed Sierra's transition into one itself in the coming century. However, it was Sierra's involvement in Hani, which would establish a deep connection between both nations. Sierra first began nominalized trade with the Asian Pacific islands in the early 1860s, competing with other foreign governments, namely Spain. Sierran investment and economic ventures in the archipelago led to a strengthened Sierran economy, as well as intrigue by average citizens, who were exposed to exotic fruits such as mangos and other products imported from the islands. The modern Sierran Hanzi traces its origins back to this early trading period, as more and more merchants were exposed to the Han language and ideas. Han immigration began to arrive in Sierra and would increase substantially in later decades as Sierra's involvement grew.
In 1874, the Sierran Civil War broke out between the rebelling Republicans and the Monarchists. Within months, much of northern Sierra was taken over by the Republic. With the temporary removal of the Monarchists in major cities in northern Sierra (including San Francisco City, Monterey, and Bernheim), the Republic was able to exert its ideas of Landonite republicanism in the area. Among the precepts proclaimed by the Republic was racial tolerance and acceptance. Isaiah Landon, the Republic's leader, was a firm believer in a multiethnic state, and appreciated Asian culture. Landon indiscriminately chose non-whites to serve in his government, and instructed his military officials to accept all recruits, and lead mixed-group divisions. In the Republic, men and women of all races were free to vote and participate in the government.
Though the Republic only lasted for fewer than four years, the effects of Landon's pro-equality measures, and protection of ethnic minorities were everlasting in the formerly occupied cities, and made them more susceptible to the Sierran Cultural Revolution. Ironically, the Styxie, Landon's homeland, would be among the few areas in Sierra that partially resisted Landon's ideas, and ultimately the Cultural Revolution. Today, the culture of the Styxie resembles more closely with the rest of Anglo-America than it does with Sierra's. Most historians conjectured that the relative absence of ethnic minorities (with the exception of some Hispanics) in the area, coupled with the fact that the region was mostly agrarian and rural (and thus sparsely populated) in nature is largely responsible for this phenomenon. The geographic separation of rural whites in the Styxie with urban Asians in the coasts stunted acceptance of ethnic diversity in this area.
Following the defeat of the Republic, during the postwar Industrial Revolution, Sierra underwent issues ranging from pollution, corruption, monopolies, to cronyism that also plagued other industrializing nations of the time. This time period came to be known as the Gilded Age, the government's lack of regulations and subsidies for major corporations, particularly those in the railroad industry, often resulted in the lack of protections for workers from dangerous and unsanitary conditions as well as unfair wages and compensation.
Poverty and income equality became a major issue in the cities and these problems were further compounded for ethnic minorities who faced additional discrimination and hostility from whites. Deemed a threat to the working white class, minorities were denied membership to labor unions which were designed to help negotiate better conditions between employees and employers and even denied jobs from various businesses. The Democratic-Republicans counted prominent members in its ranks who advocated for restrictions of immigration and the deprivation of property rights to minorities, particularly those of Asian descent. Fusing populism with racism, the Democratic-Republican Party's radicals were well-received among the working class who were in desperate need of good jobs. Born out of agrarian politics, the Party had been fiercely protectionist, the party also advocated isolationism and recommended the forced deportation of all non-white and "non-essential" people from Sierra. The Royalist Party on the other hand, were strongly in favor of manufacturing and therefore, supported an open, international market and supported the increase of tariffs to protect Sierran industry. The Royalists, who dominated the Gilded Age era, were backed by industrialists, entrepreneurs, and the emerging middle-class. Many business leaders and pro-business politicians supported immigration, and became recognized allies for Asian communities. The Democratic-Republicans, whose interests now consisted of both those in the field and in the town, struggled to move forward in a unified direction. They were ultimately unable to accommodate the interests of two opposed sides. The party would eventually move towards industrialization, abandoning its predominantly agrarian outlook as the political power of the urban voters eclipsed that of those in the rural lands.
All-inclusive labor unions, advocacy organizations, and other associations began to emerge in late 19th century. In the city, an emerging generation of young working adults alienated by working conditions and social pressures began organizing, demanding the call to action and progress. In addition, Sierran-born children of immigrants began to assert their rights as full-fledged citizens, and won various landmark cases through the Supreme Court, securing legal protections for minorities.
Sierran rule of Hani
After the conclusion of the Sierran–Spanish War in 1898, Sierra became the sole foreign power in the Han archipelago. The two nations had entered into a working relationship built on trade, cooperation, and technological exchange, with Sierra assisting in financing Hani's own economic development. Sierran involvement and trade in Hani dated as far back as the colonial Spanish period, when colonists in Sierra received many precious goods from the Spanish galleon trade with Hani. Under both the Californian and early Sierran governments, trade with Hani was of substantiated interest to businessmen and merchants, who viewed the islands as a crucial backdoor to the emerging East Asian markets. Within some Sierran political and business circles, there were talks of annexing Hani as a territory. As Sierra's influence over the Han government grew, Han nationalists began to mobilize against the growing fear of complete Sierran domination. In that same year, following the death of pro-Sierran Emperor Li Huang, his wife, the Empress Regent Mei Ling, began to push back against Sierran assistance. Empress Ling was a prominent member in the Han Imperial Court's conservative faction, and demanded the nullification of Hani's unequal treaties with Western powers, including with Sierra. She also feared the growing influence of Sierra and believed they were seeking to replace her with a puppet regime.
On December 30, 1899, Empress Ling ordered all Han ports to close and deny access to foreign ships and reestablished the Sarado foreign policy which entailed isolationism. Foreign assets and businesses were frozen and seized by Han authorities, and foreign nationals were subject to deportation. The Empress' decisions disturbed Sierran interests, and an official diplomatic team were sent to Manila to negotiate the reversal of these actions. The Imperial Court refused to allow them entry and when the emissaries attempted to enter into the Palace forcibly, they were arrested for insubordination and conspiracy to murder the Empress. All Sierran envoys were tried and sentenced to death by the Imperial Court, and were summarily executed by January 6, 1900.
The surrounding circumstances and executions of the Sierran diplomats angered the Sierran public, who demanded justice for the loss of innocent lives at the hand of the "bloodthirsty Witch Empress". Parliament unanimously declared war on Hani on January 12, 1900, and cited the executions, as well as Hani's violation of the First Treaty of Manila and Dawo Protocol as justifications for war. Fighting however, had already begun earlier. Sierran naval forces which were docked in Manila Bay bombarded the capital city, upon hearing news of the emissaries' deaths. Major Admiral Marcus Miller led the initial offensive, seeking to repudiate the Han imperial government for the incident and refused to accept unconditional surrender by those he deemed were insurgents. Within weeks, the Empress and her imperial court were placed under house arrest, and the Sierrans in the archipelago received reinforcements from the homeland. Manila became directly controlled by the Sierrans while the Han Imperial Army and imperial bureaucrats were forced northwards.
After a prolonged conflict focused over northern Hani, the war ended in June of 1905 when the Han military government surrendered to the Sierrans through the signage of the Treaty of Manila. The Great Han Empire relinquished its sovereignty and recognized Sierran administration over all of its former territory, thereby enlarging Sierra's area and population by a quarter and twofolds respectively. The political and social repercussions of the treaty and territorial acquisition were great as Sierra was able to cement full control over the Han people. Sierran administration was initially strict and harsh, with laws and regulations passed to favor the white Sierran minorities living in Hani over the natives. Shifting attitudes in the Sierran mainland altered the Sierran Han administration by the mid-1910s however, as Han culture was transmitted at higher intensity to Sierra than before through the practically unrestricted emigration. As Hans were granted Sierran citizenship, a large number of middle-class Han and families of former imperial bureaucrats began moving to Sierra in hopes of economic opportunity and academic achievement. Likewise, Sierran emigration to Hani became much easier, encouraging students, researchers, missionaries, and entrepreneurs to travel and stay in Hani with relative ease.
Early stages (Early Weiren era: 1901–1915)
Prior to the rise of the Revolution, the Sierran progressive reform movement had established a firm footing in politics since the early 1890s. Self-identified progressives were social activists and political reformists who sought to eliminate problems caused by modernization, industrialization, urbanization, and government corruption. In addition, progressives were equally concerned with immigration, particularly from Asia, though their opinions on the matter were by no means uniform. Compared to earlier immigration reformists however, progressives were more likely to back the assimilation of Asian immigrants rather than to resort to deportation or restrictions on immigration. Labor unions continued to oppose foreign immigration well into the 20th century, as they feared the influx of unskilled, low-paid workers would compromise the union's ability to raise wages and to improve working conditions through collective bargaining. The Irish and German-dominated labor unions became the backbone of the Democratic-Republicans, who generally supported and did pass anti-immigration legislation while in power. However, both the liberal-minded monarchy and Royalist governments resisted such calls, fearing it would subvert Sierra's economic development, and foreign relations with Eastern powers. The rising strength of the Asian working class forced some Democratic-Republicans to reevaluate their stance towards immigration, and by the time they regained power in the House in 1901, their leader Robert Landon had openly embraced a pan-racial policy.
Through free press and assembly, progressivism encouraged organized strikes, demonstrations, and protests to apply pressure against government policies. Many young second-generation Asian Sierrans, who were raised and educated in Sierran schools, began mobilizing politically. This new intelligentsia helped improve the standing and respect for the Asian community as a whole. Asian youth activists co-opted with political progressives in advancing their rights, and fighting racism, and joined ranks with older-generation members who had formed their own support networks.
Civil Rights Movement
The Sierran Civil Rights Movement was a social movement and segment of the Cultural Revolution that mobilized during the Progressive era. Ethnic minorities demanded integration and an end to discriminatory practices permitted by law, and to secure federal regulations to protecting civil liberties. The movement was noted for its usage of civil disobedience and nonviolent protest staged across the Kingdom by members of the Asian Sierran community (including Hapas), Hispanics, blacks, Creoles, and their white allies. Communities clashed over disagreements and organized events, and politicians were divided on the issues presented by the movement. Civil unrest was particularly high in the coastal urban communities with very heterogenous racial compositions. Sit-ins, general strikes, and demonstrations outside government buildings, businesses, and schools became commonplace while erstwhile workers fired for their participation in the civil unrest formed their own enterprises and mutual aid societies to support each other. The movement spawned an entire collection of songs, artwork, poems, books, posters, and slogans, which went on to inspire solidarity and appreciation, serving as an indispensable backdrop for later Revolution activists. Major figures of the movement included Francis Chin, Ahn Changho, Arthur Ip, Yone Noguchi, Gao Kuen, Koji Yamashita, Lincoln Tsukamoto, Emily Tsang, Terrance Chiang, Ronnie Chan, and Sophia Wu.
On January 20, 1908, Parliament passed the Fifth Amendment to the Sierran Constitution, which extended suffrage to all adult citizens irrespective of race or gender. This was considered a major victory for proponents of the movement as it guaranteed stronger representation for minorities in provinces where such suffrage was previously denied. Prior to the amendment, over half of the nation's provinces and counties restricted voter registration and participation to white males only, with such restrictions held by the Supreme Court in several instances. With the federal amendment, all such discriminatory laws and practices were ultimately outlawed across all levels of government. The Supreme Court, now under the administration of pro-Revolution Chief Justice Kent Kearney, helped overturn obsolete electoral laws that discriminated people of color and women.
Laws cracking down on segregationist policies and other discriminatory practices were also similarly struck down by the Supreme Court. Both the Democratic-Republican and Royalist ministries of Robert Landon and Henry Gage were sympathetic towards the cause of the Hapas, and legitimized the growing power of this group. The Conference of Inter-Racial Understanding (CIRU) was founded in 1908 to facilitate dialogue between Sierra's racial and cultural groups, and the first CIRU summit was held at the National Mall in front of Parliament Building. The Heritage Preservation Housing Act of 1892 in San Joaquin was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court on December 7, 1911, overturning numerous of similar laws throughout the Kingdom. Parliament passed the Civil Rights Act of 1912, which expressly prohibited discrimination against race, sex, religion, or national origin, which further solidified political support for minorities and other disadvantaged groups.
Early 20th century racial violence
Sierra had a long, preexisting history of racially-charged violence and unrest that only intensified during the Sierran Cultural Revolution. Pogroms and lynchings were prevalent throughout the country, especially in the Styxie where racial imbalances and political attitudes were particularly intensive. Cities such as San Francisco City and Bernheim were dominated by labor unions which engaged in mobbing. Nativism continued to intensify during the early 20th century, as white Sierrans felt their way of life and values were being threatened by the continuously increasing Asian population. They wanted to preserve "Caucasian values" and were hostile to the growing pan-Eurasian ideas advocated by the Revolution and Pacific School. Such unions expressed open nativist beliefs and encouraged union members to suppress non-white labor and housing. Asians, especially the Chinese, were perceived as unassimilable foreigners who held pagan traditions that would be incompatible with the Anglo-American tradition of the nation. Infighting between ethnic groups were often carried out by self-proclaimed vigilantes and militiamen. The 1904 Sherman Flats riots, 1906 Triangle Pier incident, and 1907 San Francisco City riot were significant cases of racial violence against the Asian community, which were all instigated by local labor unions and organizations.
In response to the organized, armed resistance, Asian Sierrans and other ethnic minorities formed their own groups to protect themselves against hostile labor activity. For the Chinese and the Hans, they often formed informal organizations known as "benevolent associations", which functioned similarly to a labor union and also included social networking and mutual protection. They often met at teahouses, warehouses, barber shops, or bookstores, where people freely exchanged ideas or read classical literature. Although benevolent associations originally formed to integrate and assimilate arriving immigrants in the 19th century, by the new century's arrival, they evolved into private security firms or criminal syndicates that protected ethnic interests. Local governments attempted to curb these groups' activities, although only with limited success. Some groups turned towards sympathetic government and party officials who worked together in overcoming racially charged politics.
Initially, legitimate organizations and Asian unions distinguished themselves from the benevolent associations by shunning organized violence and criminal activity, favoring diplomatic measures with rivaling groups. The number of influential leaders and activists who emerged from these benevolent associations however, normalized their presence in the evolving Sierran society as non-Chinese began to congregate to the associations' meetings, who were exposed to East Asian philosophy, art, literature, and culture.
Publication of Comparison of Western and Oriental Thought
In 1904, Sierran sociologist, Sinologist, and Mulholland University professor Mark Culler's Comparison of Western and Oriental Thought was published, describing and analyzing the relationship, similarities, and differences between Western culture and Eastern culture. Culler was known at the time as a Protestant missionary who made a series of trips through China, Hani, and Japan, and translated a number of texts including the Bible into the local languages and dialects, having learned and mastered a number of languages, including classical Chinese and modern conversational Chinese. In his work, Culler attributed religious beliefs as the defining cultural markers for both societies (Confucianism–Taoism for Asia and Christianity for Europe and the Americas). It also compiled important texts derived from Analects, I Ching, and sources on the life of several Confucian and Taoist scholars including Confucius himself, Mencius, Xunzi, Laozi, Zhu Xi, Sun Tzu, and Wang Yangming. Culler noted the compatibility between the two world views and provided insight and examination of Asian cultures that were previously inaccessible to Western readers. Culler sought to "demystify" confusion and suspicion of East Asians through his work, and work towards mutual understanding, reconciliation, and coexistence. He compared his approach to that of Italian Jesuit Matteo Ricci, who served in the Imperial Court of the Ming Dynasty–that of a Westerner who appreciated a foreign culture and looked for a way to harmonize the two different traditions.
The publication of the book coincided a time when Westerners had grown more aware and familiarized with Asian culture and society. Sierra's occupation of Hani allowed easy transmission of East Asian concepts and knowledge to the Kingdom. The book was well-received by members of the Sierran intelligentsia and progressive elites, who encouraged its sale and distribution throughout the country and beyond in Anglo-America. It provoked a national conversation on race and culture, and changed Western perspectives on the East.
Following the book's publication, politicians and colonial officers in Sierran Hani reevaluated their actions and motives in the Han archipelago, as they begun to lighten colonial rule over their newfound peers in appreciation. Interest in Chinese culture, mythology, philosophy, medicine, and religion increased and Sinologist circles formed, dedicating research and time to publish new works to satisfy growing demand. Exponential amounts of research texts, quarterlies, papers on East Asian history were published. At higher education institutions, educators opened up courses and departments on Asian studies and the demand for Sinologist experts were high. Comparison of Western and Oriental Thought became used as a foundational text for East Asian studies in Sierra and was used as a primer for more extensive research and study. Culler himself translated a number of ancient Chinese literature, poetry, drama, historical documents and philosophical texts into English for the first time, including selections from Chu Chi, The Peony Collection, and Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian. Popular literary stories from the East entered Sierran mainstream readership circles including translations of the Four Great Classical Novels (Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Dream of the Red Chamber, Journey to the West, and the Water Margin, the latter which was paired with Plum in the Golden Vase), The Tale of the Genji, The Tale of the Heike, and Shank's Mare. These contributions fed into the Sierran literary imagination pool, inspiring thousands of works of novels, poetry, and songs that drew references from East Asian cultural sources. In addition, stories and commentary on the changes developing within Sierra created a trove of cultural achievements that captured the movement in action.
Establishment of the Pacific School
Culler followed through his publications with The History of China, which explored Chinese history more in-depth than in his previous works, and In Defense of the Old Sages, in his apologetic defense of ancient Chinese philosophers against the emergent New Culture Movement and Doubting Antiquity School which had emerged in Republican China. Culler and his followers have contemporarily been grouped into the Pacific School, which challenged countervailing Eurocentric–Modernist historiographic schools that contended Chinese history and culture was backwards and restrictive, in need of Western enlightenment. It also criticized the prevailing Paris-based method of Sinologist studies, and encouraged examination of China and East Asia as not only Confucianist societies, but ones influenced by Taoism, Buddhism, folk religions, and other disciplines. The Pacific School also extolled the artistic and cultural achievements of Chinese civilizations and sought to illuminate the everyday lives of the Chinese literati, merchants, and peasantry. Although the Pacific School believed there were deficiencies and impediments that traditional Chinese thought placed on East Asian society, it believed its merits and achievements were worthy of emulation, adaptation, and application alongside Western culture. It has pointed towards the first half of the Tang dynasty and Song dynasty as examples of China's full potential, rather than the isolationist Ming and Qing dynasties Europeans were more familiar with and judged China by. It rejected other emergent Western schools of thought, including nihilism and Dadaism, and bore some similarities though no explicit connections with the Kyoto School, which attempted to synthesize Western and Eastern philosophy. The Pacific School argued that its ideas were producing a new generational milieu that could lead to a harmonious, productive, and just society.
Fellows of the Pacific School were active in Sierra and abroad, disseminating their ideas to the rest of Anglo-America and Europe, and in Asia. International chapters were formed to pursue the teachings and findings of the Pacific School and had an impact on politics, education, sociology, and historiography. The politics surrounding the Pacific School were one of the influences Chinese revolutionary Sun Yat-sen drew from and later incorporated in his Three Principles of the People for the Republic of China. In addition, the Pacific School had considerable impact on the intellectual and political trends of Japan during the Taishō period, with Sierran dignitaries working closely with likeminded Japanese reformists.
Although the Pacific School initially favored upholding classical literary Chinese for its assessment and evaluation of Chinese texts, it later embraced and promoted the use of vernacular Chinese to replace classical Chinese in modern writing. Its approach to Han literature was also changed from classical Han to vernacular Han. It was also instrumental in standardizing Sierran Hanzi, which had been under development for half a century prior to the school's establishment between Sierran and Han businesses and merchants.
Young adults and college students played an important role in the Sierran Cultural Revolution and were a crucial element to its early development and public discourse. Students of all races formed multiracial unions on campus and demanded faculty to open courses, classes, and discussions that advanced the ideas of the Revolution. Mulholland University, one of Sierra's oldest and most prestigious private universities, was one of the first to begin offering courses specifically designed to accommodate revolutionary ideas and interest in other cultures and languages. It became a hotbed for Pacific School scholars and thinkers, producing a large proportion of works associated with the movement, during the revolutionary period. Other campuses remained defiant, especially the University of Sierra, Bernheim, where faculty members refused to allow students to organize a pan-Asian organization on the grounds that it was unacademic during the fall of 1910. It quickly descended into a full-blown protest, triggering police arrests and water hosing. As student unrest unfolded, news reporters came to cover the event, reporting and photographing extensively, allowing it to be distributed nationwide and internationally. The event impressed other campuses to join the protests in solidarity, attracting politicians, activists, authors, businesses, and others to weigh in on the controversy.
Historians estimate that up to 100,000 students participated during the course of ten years between 1910 and 1920, during which time the Revolution was still firmly contained among the youth and younger generations. The student movement and activities influenced how Sierran universities operated. Students gained more power over how campus events and organizations were handled, and influenced what curriculum could be taught. Universities also diversified their departments and courses, offering new majors including Asian studies and comparative religions, in an attempt to placate demand for new concepts. Examinations underwent some modifications, which became more oriented towards memorization and recitation. Sierran Hanzi also started appearing in academic circles and gradually became a learning requirement within college campuses.
"Kowtow to the King-Emperor"
Throughout the early revolutionary stage, King Lewis I and the Sierran Royal Family was sympathetic towards the ideas and aims of the Revolution and the Pacific School. Lewis followed his father's favorable view of immigration, and openly engaged in dialogue with members of the Revolution, inviting activists and dignitaries to the Imperial Court. By 1906, he had begun incorporating and performing East Asian customs in the royal palace, including the Sierran tea ceremony. The monarchy's friendly views and tolerance of the Revolution angered nativist opponents and aroused wariness among the monarchy's own supporters, including the Royalist establishment and the Jacobites.
The king's fascination and admiration of Eastern culture, art, and artifacts was well-documented, and has been compared to the Orientalist fascination of the European Enlightened despots. Lewis I commissioned a series of emissaries to China, Hani, Japan in hope to acquire foreign pieces of art and ceramics, and ordered the Occidental Palace to be refurbished in a similar fashion to that in the Han Imperial Palace. Later critics have claimed the King portrayed himself ostensibly as a reformist king who sought to bridge the cultural divide between the Anglo-Americans and East Asians, but in reality, only superficially buttressed his outward appearance in order to entice newly naturalized Asian citizens to support his reign and party. In 1908, the king made his first meeting with prominent Asian leaders Walter B. Feng and Richard Xiong at the Asian Sierran Advancement Society. He developed close friendships with these reformists and communicated their concerns before Parliament. This meeting is widely believed to have helped formulate the King's subsequent views and ideas of the Revolution.
By 1911, both proponents and opponents believed the King had fully embraced his role as Emperor of Hani, and was unofficially referred to as the King-Emperor. When Lewis I was formally coronated on September 18, 1909 as the Emperor of Hani, the coronation ceremony took place in Porciúncula, rather than Manila, where the seat of the Han Throne was, which he would not physically visit until 1922 during a tour of the Kingdom and her realms. He wore the traditional style of coronation robes of Han Emperors, and eschewed Western coronation conventions in favor of the traditional Han fashion in order to fully authenticate and legitimize his status as the chosen emperor of a Sinicized nation. Over 2,200 were in attendance of the ceremony, which was held at the Episcopal Cathedral of St. Paul (the same church where Lewis I was coronated at as King of Sierra in 1894), which was controversially decorated and outfitted with Oriental ornaments, banners, and accessories expressly for the purpose of the coronation.
The king's opulent display unsettled even his staunchest supporters, especially the Jacobites. The Jacobites were worried Lewis I was moving away from his role as the traditions associated with the Jacobites (Scottish Highlander and Irish culture), and some even feared he would allow "pagan traditions to contaminate the Faith" as one Jacobite gazetteer ran in 1912. Despite these concerns, all major Jacobite organizations maintained their loyalty to the king. Lewis I held a series of conventions with his Jacobite supporters to assure them of his binding commitment and leadership of the Jacobite cause. A number of Jacobite leaders also came out in support of the Revolution, asserting that its message was compatible with Jacobitism and did not need to mean the end of it.
He became the official patron and sponsor for a number of national organizations and projects dedicated towards the cause of the Revolution including the CIRU, of which he attended and mingled with reformists including Ronnie Chan and Francis Chin. His close ties with these organizations led to accusations of him by critics for developing a "shadow privy council" of private individuals steering his views on the Revolution and immigration.
Transitional period (Later Weiren era: 1915–1927)
World War I
Sierra did not enter the global conflict until 1917 when it joined other Anglo-American powers in declaring war on Germany for its attack on international shipping with its unrestricted submarine warfare campaign. Up until that point, Sierra and other Anglo-American nations were hesitant to enter the conflict, seeking to promote an official policy of neutrality. Despite this, Sierra contributed a significant share of armaments and other military industrial supplies to the Allied powers. Public opinion was divided along sectarian and ethnic lines, with the Irish Catholics and Germans opposing Sierra's entry into the war on the side of the Allies. News of the war and reports of German war tactics against civilian ships infuriated the public, but were initially dismissed as distractions from Sierra's own domestic problems. Up until 1915, virtually all major parties opposed joining the war effort. Union activists and other reformists were concerned that the war effort would prevent the government from focusing on the goals of the Revolution, which were being hampered by the rise of the reactionary nativist movement.
Among the Asian Sierran community, opinions were also mixed. Intellectuals including Gao Kuen argued that Asian Sierrans who enlisted in the military could reinforce proof that Asian citizens were loyal to the Kingdom and could prove their valor on the battlefield along their white compatriots. Han-born Field Marshal Edmond Xu, the highest military-ranking Asian official at the time, was openly supportive of the Preparedness movement and started a military academy near Yosemite designed to train Asian Sierrans for potential war deployment.
By 1915, the transnational Preparedness Movement had caught on in Sierra, and was especially popular among the nation's bankers, industrialists, academics, lawyers, gentry, and other upper-class members, as well as Royalist politicians and a few Democratic-Republicans. They advocated strengthening Sierra's military capabilities, and emphasized the weak vulnerability of Sierran defense. In addition, supporters hoped the efforts towards increased militarization would quicken the process of racial integration between whites and Asians, as well as other races, and serve as the litmus test for a new form of civic nationalism. They wanted to assemble a well-trained, organized military that drew in recruits from all across the Kingdom's realms, including Hani, regardless of class or race, which would bolster Sierra's image as a modern, multiethnic empire. Many proponents proposed a mandatory two-year service for all able-bodied male citizens between the ages of 17 and 45, a proposal which the King himself voiced support.
The movement was met with significant resistance from the Democratic-Republicans, as well as nativists, antimilitarists, pacifists, and some Royalists, who felt the proposals would bring Sierra into foreign entanglement. Some even expressed concern of the militarization as a gateway to authoritarianism, a fear that was already peddled by nativists who were critical of the Cultural Revolution policies. The Preparedness campaign elicited such a strong, polarizing response that it represented the first major controversial issue not tied to the race issue in the early 20th century.
The rapid changes undertaken by the Sierran government and society were met with grave concern. The Preparedness movement was also highly unpopular among the working class. Judd's reluctant acceptance of the movement's aims and subsequent actions to bring Sierra into the world war angered a significant portion of his party base and support. A group of House Democratic-Republicans and Royalists, along with other parties including the Know Nothings who harbored nativist sentiments openly protested against the liberal reforms towards immigration and race relations, in addition to the military policy. Although the Democratic-Republican establishment under Landon allowed for some concessionary policies for the nativists, by the time Phillip Judd became prime minister, nativist sway over the Democratic-Republicans had diminished substantially. Under the leadership of Hiram Johnson, disaffected Democratic-Republicans and other partisans rallied behind the Reformed Republicans. The Reformed Republicans assailed the monarchy and liberal forces for betraying the white race and dismantling the traditional racial order in Sierra. They believed Sierra was moving towards a dangerous, trajectory path wherein white Sierrans would be forced to assimilate to a foreign culture. They also felt that the monarchy had overstepped its purpose as a preserver and had shifted towards authoritarianism.
Fierce campaigning and anti-revolutionary activity began during and after World War I in the Styxie where opposition to the Revolution was the greatest. The Reformed Republicans' message appealed to disaffected farmers and workers who were displaced by competing Asian laborers, as well as European immigrants, particularly the Irish and the Italians, who felt their needs were being ignored and neglected by the government in favor of the Asian population. In 1919 general elections, the Reformed Republicans, in a coalition with the Know Nothings and Progressive Union Party secured a majority of seats in the House of Commons, thereby wrangling control over the immigration policies of the country. The surprise victory of the Reformed Republicans and their allies came with great concern and upset the Democratic-Republican establishment.
Although Johnson and the Reformed Republicans were able to implement some pushback against the policies undertaken under the Landon and Judd Ministries, the Senate, which were staunchly held by the Royalists and Democratic-Republicans, were able to stall or shut down legislation that passed in the House. To circumvent the lack of senatorial support, the Reformed Republican-controlled House withdrew funding for a number of government agencies and refused to draft necessary appropriation bills, effectively forcing the government into a shutdown, the first in the country's history, for several months in the winter of 1920, before the Senate finally relented by allowing a temporary ban on new Asian immigrant arrivals.
The victory of the Reformed Republicans came when World War I was entering its final months. Johnson and his government withdrew Sierran troops from the conflict in April, a little more than year and a half when Judd had ordered the first Sierran troops over to the European theater. He insisted that he would place Sierra first by maintaining isolationism and closed borders, dubbing anti-immigration as the "holy cause". Johnson also labeled the Senate as undemocratic and traitorous, vowing to uproot their constituencies through new elections. He heavily pushed legislation to remove appointed positions from the Senate, a move which met extreme resistance from the Royalists and Democratic-Republicans.
Disunity among the Reformed Republicans as well as the organized, coordinated efforts by the Democratic-Republicans and the Royalists led to the ouster of Johnson's first government in 1921. With Judd and his government back in power, the establishment rushed to reverse the changes initiated by Johnson, reissuing appropriation bills to government programs and agencies tasked with implementing Revolution-related policies. The lapse in the Reformed Republicans' power incensed Johnson and his supporters, who fiercely backed the Styxie provinces' own measures to implement immigration control and discriminatory policies.
The Democratic-Republican and Royalist control over the House was short-lived as inter-party disagreement over economic policy and response to the rise of nativism divided the fragile alliance between the two historically competitive parties. In the 1922 general elections, the Reformed Republicans succeeded in re-securing the House, making headway into a number of previously Democratic-Republican constituencies, who were deeply unsatisfied with the general direction of the nation. It was not as decisive as the first victory however, and more closely resembled a hung majority as the Reformed Republicans and their alliance with the Know Nothings merely formed a plurality, rather than an outright majority. Despite securing a legislative victory in the House once more, Johnson faced continued resistance from the Senate, which remained under firm control by the Royalists and the Democratic-Republicans. In addition, many from within the party had grown critical of Johnson's managerial leadership, accusing him of being too forceful and demanding. Bereft of a unified leadership, Johnson struggled to whip up votes to counter the coordinated efforts of the organized opposition. The mounting unpopularity surrounding Johnson, coupled with the growing influence of the monarchy eventually led to Johnson losing the confidence of the House. In the following 1924 elections, the Royalists under Earle Coburn gained control, and the Reformed Republicans eventually disbanded after Johnson resigned from the leadership due to internal administrative conflicts.
Approbatio period (Lost Years)
The term Approbatio first came into use after World War II to describe Sierra's intermediary years between the end of World War I and the beginning of Sierra's entry into World War II. In Latin, it means "proof" or "confirmation", and was used by supporters for the Revolution that its ideas were working and the Sierran government was successfully engineering a more socially harmonized and pan-racial society. Critics and opponents to the Revolution have alternatively referred to this time period as the "Lost Years" to reflect the deterioration in Sierra's democratic and constitutional principles, in light of increased militarization, monarchial intervention, and political repression. It is often remembered as a particularly controversial time period marked with authoritarianism and sensationalism that led to the imprisonment of many dissidents and even deaths of those who resisted. Some historians have asserted that King Lewis I worked towards cultivating his own cult of personality and promote a civic religion that married Sierran humanism with the fascism that had grown popular at the time in many other democratic societies.
The political turmoil and civil unrest that emerged under the alternating premierships of Judd and Johnson, as well as the success of the Preparedness movement stimulated increased militarization of the Sierran Crown Armed Forces, who were frequently and controversially invoked by King Lewis I to suppress protests and riots directed against the policies of the Revolution. The government employed a widespread network of field agents, many from the Royal Intelligence Agency and Royal Bureau of Investigation, who investigated alleged cases of discrimination or "social antagonism" who were empowered to bring them before court for criminal charges. This period has often been described as a drastic shift towards an authoritarian government. Although Parliament continued to maintain control over legislation and policymaking, the monarchy and executive bureaucracy became more entrenched in political affairs, and clamped down against anti-revolutionaries.
The nativist movement came under harsher scrutiny during this time period, as the government became deeply suspicious of the involvement and role of republican organizations in the nativist movement. Racial tensions and violence were still commonplace throughout the Styxie, which troubled pro-revolutionary forces. They feared another legislative victory for the Reformed Republicans originating from the Styxie would subvert the aims and goals of the Revolution, and even reverse it. In response to these concerns, King Lewis I formed the Order of the White Rose, an association of like-minded individuals and ordinary citizens who pledged their allegiance to him in defending the Revolution, and donned silk robes with purple armbands, which gave them the nickname, the "Purple Shirts". By royal edict and parliamentary confirmation, they were empowered to issue "citizen's arrests" against any suspected individuals who engaged in "traitorous activities" and bring them before special tribunals established to evaluate the alleged crimes. The Purple Shirts were thus an additional line of defense for the Revolution as it enabled civilians to join and monitor any subversive activities within their own communities. This decision deeply alarmed both opponents and supporters of the Crown alike, as it had stark similarities to the paramilitary groups risen in the contemporaneous fascist regimes. White men from the Styxie were disproportionately targeted by the Purple Shirts, and over 25,000 were successfully prosecuted and sentenced over the course of 10 years. A number of non-whites, including Asians, were not immune to the Purple Shirts. Asian Sierrans who objected to the direction of the Revolution, especially Japanese and Han reformists who complained that the Revolution placed too much emphasis on the Chinese, were brought before tribunals for allegedly seditious speech.
Media, especially print and radio, fell under the subject of censorship, with newspapers encouraged to only report positive news regarding the Revolution and inflammatory stories when it involved anti-revolutionaries that were portrayed in a negative light. In addition, revolutionary text and periodicals were required to be circulated on paper, showcasing the viewpoints and thoughts of Revolution thinkers and scholars. Hollywood was similarly encouraged to produce propaganda films that praised the Revolution, and Hollywood studios were incentivized to do so on the promise of subsidized equipment, space, and distribution. The controversial lèse-majesté law passed which forbade citizens from criticizing the policies of the King or offending the King marked the height of the Approbatio period, before it was finally abolished under Lewis II, when he was crowned king following his father's death. Although Lewis II supported the Revolution as his father did, he relaxed many restrictive laws pertaining to the Revolution, although retained the Order of the White Rose.
In 1970, over five decades after the Approbatio, the Sierran government issued a formal apology for its anti-democratic activities and violations of due process. When the press and speech laws were relaxed in the 1950s, after World War II, leaders from the time period including Francis Chih decried the Approbatio as an "unfortunate and misguided chapter of the Revolution" and believed it harmed, rather than strengthened the ideas of the Revolution. Even Mark Culler himself, who remained silent during the period would come out to condemn the period shortly before his death in 1955.
Little Civil War
The Little Civil War refers to a series of armed engagements that were largely confined to the Styxie where the military and allied paramilitary forces clashed with Styxie residents who resisted the Revolution. Although the conflict never descended into a full-scale civil war, conflict between the government and civilians became frequent enough that it demanded special attention from national security experts. In response to the Purple Shirts' activities in the Styxie, cultural republican groups organized into impromptu militias to intimidate and prevent Purple Shirts from harassment and possible arrest. Major groups that rose up during the period included the United Farmers' Front, the Antimo, and the Imperial Knights of Sierra. Many were armed and trained under the principles of self-defense and independence. Some groups also actively promoted white nationalism, socialism (particularly Landonism), and syndicalism, ideologies which were seen as integral to traditional Styxie. While the freedom of association and firearms prevented the government from legally preventing these developments, it passed a number of laws that restricted the ownership of firearms and closely monitored the operations of anti-revolutionary groups. Despite objections from local and provincial governments from within the Styxie, the Sierran federal government sent its military to enforce its policies. The National Guard branches in San Joaquin and Santa Clara were also seized from provincial control and placed under federal command, which disenfranchised the Styxie of options to resist federal intrusion.
The first major event traditionally linked to the Little Civil War is the September 19 incident in 1924 when a group of United Farmers' Front members refused to allow non-whites to enter a local store. They formed a human blockade and brandished weapons to scare off non-white customers from entering, which attracted the attention of Purple Shirts. The incident quickly escalated when the UFF members refused to surrender their arms and instead, told the Purple Shirts to leave. Accounts from both sides later claimed that the other shot first, but once there was the sound of gunfire, the scene quickly became a bloody frenzy as the two sides fought. 5 UFF members and 6 Purple Shirts were killed, and another 11 from both sides were wounded. The battle was prematurely put to an end when a nearby convoy of Sierran Royal Army forces arrived to put an end to the violent exchange. The surviving UFF members were prosecuted for treason on several different counts and sentenced to 15 years of imprisonment, while the Purple Shirt members involved were not prosecuted at all, which further incensed local Styxie citizens and anti-revolutionary forces. The incident only inspired similar cases throughout the region and aggravated already sour relations between the government and the Styxie.
The Imperial Knights of Sierra, a splinter group from the transnational Ku Klux Klan, turned to engaging in arson and kidnappings when their public marches were no longer allowed at most public venues. In rarer instances, victims were lynched, reminiscent of the traditional and brutal manifestation of racial violence, although assailants were often executed by the same method of hanging in retaliation by the government. The Knights suffered from restrictive laws that prevented them from organizing publicly, members took to more extreme measures in order to voice their message. White households were often solicited with vague messages, imploring them to "shake off the yolk", a racial metaphor for white–Asian relations, and to join the Knights. The group, which had once been a very visible force fueled by nativists, was forced underground and meetings were frequently broken up by covert Purple Shirt agents and other clandestine double agents.
During the Approbatio, nativist activities were barred from public grounds, including schools, which had been officially desegregated since 1912, and youth involved with anti-revolutionary groups were disciplined and reprimanded by their peers and teachers. Bullying that appeared to stem from racial differences were punished more severely than most other cases, and playground violence that fell down to racial lines could attract the attention of local authorities and the Purple Shirts. Cliques consisting of homogenous groups were viewed with suspicious and often required "harmonization" as educators were encouraged to court friendships between people of different races to become more inclusive. Those who resisted were outed and openly humiliated. These practices deeply angered nativist Styxie parents, who often threatened to move their children to private school or even homeschool.
Nativist groups who referred to themselves as "separatists" periodically engaged in limited, guerrilla warfare tactics to evade government forces. Rebels harassed police and paramilitary personnel, and sometimes provoked gunfights before disengaging and fleeing. A number of notable figures emerged from the movement, although some defected towards the cause of the Revolution. A well-known example was Eddie Parker, a rebel insurgent from the Free Republic Militia, who initially became so famous for his elusive, seemingly playful interactions with the authorities, that he became the poster boy of the Styxie resistance movement during the Little Civil War. He was responsible for disrupting local Purple Shirt functions and instigating staged riots throughout Santa Clara and San Joaquin. Parker was placed an official bounty by the government, demanding his capture alive for criminal charges, before he voluntarily turned himself in to the authorities in 1931. Parker was secretly pardoned by King Lewis II in exchange for providing information to Sierra's intelligence community, and was later employed to work as a Purple Shirt field agent.
Maturation period (Zhenhe era: 1927–1945)
The Little Civil War intensified during the Great Depression, as scarce employment opportunities made competition between the races and ethnicities much more visibly apparent. The economic situation casted doubt on the benefits of the Revolution and pro-revolutionary forces feared that the economic depression would lead to a rapid deterioration in the new cultural values that were set forth in the preceding decades. In order to circumvent this existential crisis, the Revolution shifted its focus towards socioeconomic issues rather than racial issues. Race relations had more or less normalized in the urban areas and many households had children who grew up raised in the New Culture, creating an entire generation that had accepted and embraced the values of the Revolution. In addition, with the death of Lewis I and the ascension of his more moderate-minded son, Lewis II, the rampant use of the military and censorship laws were quietly done away with under the so-called Thermidorian Acts, thereby removing the more extreme elements and excesses of the Revolution, although the Order of White Rose continued to remain a legal entity that maintained its investigative and prosecutorial characteristics and functions.
Unemployment rates reached their peak at 25%, one of the worst in Anglo-America and heavy industries were hit particularly hard. Labor issues came to dominate the national discussion as the government scrambled to provide relief for dissatisfied farmers and factory laborers. The arrival of farm migrants from Brazoria and the United Commonwealth due to the Dust Bowl added additional complications to already divided communities throughout Sierra. Southern Sierra, centered in Porciúncula fared comparatively better than northern Sierra, particularly in the oil production and filmmaking industries. This shift in socioeconomic and political dynamics from the culturally divided north and more cosmopolitan society in the South invariably strengthened the dominance of the New Culture.
Recovery did not begin in Sierra until 1933 under the government of Poncio Salinas, a Democratic-Republican and a Mexican Sierran politician who supported the Cultural Revolution and emphasized his economic policies known today as the New Pacific Plan. The plan tackled a number of economic issues and increased government spending by tenfold, as Salinas introduced a number of agencies designed to provide financial assistance to unemployed workers, failing businesses, impoverished farmers, and wayward students.
"The New Cultural Supremacy"
In 1935, during Poncio Salinas' second State of the Kingdom address, in the presence of King Lewis II and the joint convocation of the Senate and the House of Commons, and invited dignitaries, declared that Sierra had achieved "the New Cultural Supremacy" and that Sierra became a post-racial society that achieved social harmony and racial unity. The phrase captured the newfound sense of confidence in the success of the Revolution and reflected the generational shift from racial struggle to racial peace. An entire generation of Sierran young adults and youth grew up under the Revolution and were raised in households which followed the New Culture. Although the Styxie continued to remain a stubborn block against the Revolution, throughout the rest of Sierra, New Culture had more or less became the predominant form of culture. In addition, the government excesses of power in controlling the opposition subsided substantially, as Salinas under the authorization of the King, lifted the Weiren-era restrictions imposed on the press and media. The military and the Purple Shirts continued to play a strongman role in Sierran politics however, and the Sierran establishment continued to rely and field military figures during important elections as candidates.
Salinas' ministry marked the beginning of a new stage in the Revolution which shifted towards reinforcing the Revolution's values further through extensive reforms designed to foster cultural unity and affinity. The standardization and official usage of Sierran Hanzi, creation of the National Family Registry, and the development of the National Identification Card are examples of such efforts to align Sierra closer towards the homogenized, monoculturalism of the New Culture society.
International coverage and news of the Second Sino-Japanese War attracted significant attention from the Sierran media and public. The conflict proved to become a major source of contention with Sierran political and social circles, as politicians were conflicted on who to declare their support or sympathies towards. China was recognized as the traditional center of civilization which was undergoing a rigorous modernization process, after a century of humiliation, whereas Japan was an Asian power which had already successfully transitioned into a Western-style military state. Sierran citizens from both countries counted towards the millions, leading to fears that the international conflict could cause domestic enmity between the ethnic groups and nationalities.
Parliament itself was divided on the issue as politicians were in disagreement on whether to maintain an official statement of neutrality or support for either side, revealing the severity of the "Sino–Japanese dilemma" that gripped the national politics scene. Among Asian Sierrans, opinions were equally mixed but were more decidedly divided along ethnic loyalties for ethnic Chinese and Japanese, who generally supported their mother country. When news of the Rape of Nanking were revealed to the Sierran public however, the Association of Japanese Sierran Citizens, the largest Japanese Sierran organization at the time, issued a formal condemnation of the acts and criticized the Empire of Japan for intruding Chinese sovereignty and dignity.
World War II
The outbreak of World War II reignited political discourse and debate over whether Sierra should participate in the war or not. At the end of World War I, Sierra pledged it would maintain an official policy of neutrality, although as the Revolution progressed, it drew closer to its Anglo-American neighbors, Britain, France, and China. The territorial acquisitions and conquests made by the Japanese imperial government across the Pacific troubled Sierran politicians, who feared the Japanese would potentially compromise Sierra's own territories in the region, particularly Hawaii and Hani. Although Sierra and Japan signed a treaty of friendship and amity in 1912, and worked closely together during the Interwar period, relations soured during the 1930s when the Sierran government expressed its disapproval of Japan's actions towards its neighbors and the militarist direction its government was heading.
Prime Minister Salinas openly condemned Japanese acts of aggression in East Asia and South Pacific, and threatened to pull out Sierran interests in Japan if the Japanese government continued to pursue what Salinas deemed was a "reckless, dangerous path". He reproached the Japanese diplomatic delegation in Sierra for their government's actions and warned that Sierra would look into possible economic sanctions. The Sierran public generally backed Salinas' sentiments, and opinion on the Japanese state declined significantly. In Japan, many Japanese civilians held very positive views of Sierra and Sierrans, and admired the cultural and economic ties the two nations held. Nonetheless, political differences between the two governments over the conflict cast strain on Japanese–Sierran relations, especially at Sierra strengthened its commitment with the Chinese Nationalist government by sending military advisers for the Chinese Civil War.
In 1940, Salinas decided to suspend military shipments and aid to Japan and increased naval presence in Hawaii and Hani. He also invited the navies of Sierra's neighbors, especially Rainier, to station in Hawaii. The decision was a direct response to the Japanese invasion of French Indochina. Salinas and the K.S. government hoped the decisions would discourage Japan from continuing its military buildup and military exploits, but the moves were perceived as hostile by the Japanese government. By 1941, relations between Sierra and Japan had deteriorated considerably that the Sierran military developed a contingency plan in the event Japan decided to invade Hani. The Japanese government itself started planning a preemptive strike against Sierra and the rest of Anglo-America in light of the rising tensions.
By late 1941, the Japanese government chose Pearl Harbor, a major naval installation in Hawaii, as the target location for their preemptive strike against Sierra. Japanese intelligence was aware of Sierra's decision to move its naval forces to the Hawaiian Islands, and Japan wanted to cripple Sierra's military capabilities in the Pacific when Japan would commence its campaign in Indochina and Oceania. Although the Sierran government anticipated a possible attack from Japan, including the vulnerability of Hawaii, Sierra hoped that its continued maintenance of neutrality and historical friendship with Japan would prevent actual conflict.
Post-war era (Gongrong period: 1945–1955)
Great Basin controversy
Hispanic and black labor movement
Ku Klux Klan
Sierran humanism has been used to describe the various aspects of modern Sierran culture and social values that were advanced during and after the Sierran Cultural Revolution. It is regarded as a syncretized form of humanism that combines Confucianism and Protestantism, and entails a way of living, moral code, and mentality that has guided modern Sierran society. Elements from Taoism, classical liberalism, and pragmatism are also evident in Sierran humanism and are also influential components to this school of thought. At its core, Sierran humanism advocates for a "harmonious society" by which a stable, functional society is required for economic vitality, public safety, and personal happiness. It aims to promote social justice and political equality, while defending a clearly defined hierarchy where social relations are emphasized, especially among families and close friends.
Mainstream Sierran humanism has strong religious undertones, drawing much of its theological aspects from Protestantism. Sierran humanists believe humans are naturally evil and are predisposed to commit immoral acts because of total depravity and sin, but are redeemable and perfectible through Jesus Christ/God alone. Although humans are corrupted by sin, redemption through Christ means that one's humanity should be accepted and embraced, not despaired upon. Although they believe that salvation can only be guaranteed through faith only, the transformation of a soul towards becoming Christ-like must be obtained through continuous action of purification. This can be achieved through embracing harmonious fellowship and respect for fellow individuals. By drawing towards God and following the example of fellow believers, individuals can learn to become righteous and perfect by obeying their elders and observing acceptable conduct and etiquette, which reinforces and transforms one's character to become more Christlike, reaching closer to a state of perfection. Sierran humanists stress the importance of relationships between other people and social order, as the experience will enable the individual to draw closer towards obeying and following God. By following God, one in turn, honors the "natural, intended order of the universe", and thus helps bring forth peace and harmony around them.
In essence, Sierran humanism seeks to create a dualistic system of philosophy, one for the present life and one for the afterlife. According to Sierran humanism, by following Confucian ideas and principles, one can achieve a fulfilling life that makes it easier to accept the gift of Jesus and enjoy salvation in the afterlife. The Sierran humanistic view of Christian salvation and grace has been compared to Arminianism, due in part to influence of Methodism and Adventism in the movement. Sierran humanists are called to conduct themselves according to their duty and role in society, thus falling in line with the rectification of names. Every person's ultimate goal is to become a servant of God but have been ordained a specialized place in the Body of Christ on Earth and are expected to fulfill that role in order to ensure societal harmony and stability.
Sierran humanists abide by the Five Constants or virtues identified in traditional Confucianism, as well as the classical Sìzì (四字), which includes three additional virtues:
- Five Constants
- Rén (仁, benevolence, humaneness);
- Yì (義/义, righteousness or justice);
- Lǐ (禮/礼, proper rite);
- Zhì (智, knowledge);
- Xìn (信, integrity)
- Four Virtues
Without the Revolution, There Would Be No New Culture
Five Races, One Culture, Many Tongues, One Nation
Aftermath and effects
In popular culture
Due to its impact and length, the Sierran Cultural Revolution is the most written and documented time period in Sierran history and has been the subject of numerous forms of works across a diverse range of media.
Television and film
Notable Revolution figures
- Ronnie Chan, activist and reformer
- Ahn Changho, activist and reformer
- Terrance Chiang, pianist and author
- Francis Chin, activist and reformer
- Mark Culler, author and sociologist
- Walter B. Feng, politician and reformer
- Henry Gage, Prime Minister
- Sessue Hayakawa, Hollywood actor
- Arthur Ip, novelist
- Hiram Johnson, Prime Minister
- Phillip Judd, Prime Minister
- Robert Landon, Prime Minister
- Charles Lyon, Prime Minister
- Gao Kuen, politician and reformer
- Yone Noguchi, novelist
- Lewis I, King
- Lewis II, King
- Lewis III, King
- Christopher Rioux, Prime Minister
- Poncio Salinas, Prime Minister
- Franklin Tan, Prime Minister
- Emily Tsang, suffragist and reformer
- Lincoln Tsukamoto, union activist and statesman
- Anna May Wong, Hollywood actress
- Sophia Wu, education reformer and suffragist
- Richard Xiong, activist and reformer
- Edmond Xu, field marshal and Preparedness movement proponent
- Koji Yamashita, sociologist and historian